Department of History

This project investigates legal and political strategies to protect democracy and state integrity in interwar Czechoslovakia. The First Czechoslovak Republic was the most democratic and the most precarious among the new Central European states established in the wake of World War I. Both domestic political groups and neighboring states were hostile either to the state’s very existence or to its liberal-democratic constitution. In defending their state, Czechoslovakia’s elites faced the dilemma of struggling against right- and left-wing extremism without sliding into authoritarianism themselves. To preserve national unity and the “democratic-republican order,” they enacted far-reaching legislation to counter seditious activities, most importantly the 1923 Law for the Protection of the Republic. This research project will examine the workings of Czechoslovakia’s “militant democracy” by focusing on treason trials. Trials against alleged traitors and enemies of the state were not only legal procedures but also theaters for societal debates about the meaning of loyalty and the threshold between legitimate and illegitimate political dissent. As judicial and discursive arenas, these trials laid bare the anxieties of the state’s defenders and the hopes of its enemies. Using a broad source base including prosecution files, legal commentaries, political pamphlets, and the period press in several languages, the team members will reconstruct trials in detail and analyze the political debates that they generated. In doing so, they will draw theoretical inspiration from sociological treason and enmity studies, nationalism studies, and securitization studies. Case studies conducted by the team members will discuss investigations and legal trials against representatives of five major threats to Czechoslovak statehood and democracy: Hungarian irredentism, communism, Czech fascism, Slovak autonomism, and Sudeten German National Socialism. By combining multiple categories of political extremism in a common analytical framework, this project will produce a new political history of the First Czechoslovak Republic through the lens of the groups that did not find – or want – a place within the democratic system. It will contribute to the historiography of the transition from an imperial order to nation-statehood, to nationalism studies, and to the history of democracy and the rule of law. As a liberal society amidst a continent drifting toward authoritarianism, the First Czechoslovak Republic illustrates the political challenge of defending democracy with democratic means as well as the broader interwar struggles between authoritarianism and democracy. This story is also highly pertinent to our own time, when democracy in many Western countries is under simultaneous threat by authoritarian movements within and by foreign autocratic states intervening in political processes. By offering a nuanced account of how the Czechoslovak authorities defended – and at times compromised – their democracy, this study illuminates enduring challenges in the pursuit of democratic resilience. The goal of the project is to produce three monographs (two of which will be PhD dissertations), several peer-reviewed articles, and an edited volume based on the final conference and dedicated to comparative perspectives on treason and disloyalty in interwar Europe.

This project proposes to explore a new avenue for the methodological advancement of historical research by implementing and critically assessing the massive integration of AI tools into scholarly workflows, aiming at the work environment of ‘classical’ historians who have no particular background in Digital History.

Since the release of ChatGPT the latest, we all have become aware of the massive disruptive potential of generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) in general and Large Language Models (LLMs) in particular. We all have made our own experiences with both the amazing capabilities and with equally amazing shortcomings of these new technologies.

What we need now is a systematic Technology Assessment (Technikfolgenabschätzung) and the development of new best practices in dealing with these new technologies. While AI tools can facilitate various aspects of research, they also pose risks, such as producing biased results or encouraging approaches that violate the principles of good academic practice. The project aims to promote critical reflection on these technologies and provide practical insights for their responsible use in the field of history.

The project is built around an experimental historical case study, which will be dissected into discrete research steps and workflows. For each step, the project team evaluates where AI tools can be implemented, assesses the advantages and challenges they bring, and considers their compliance with scholarly standards.

Special attention is given to identifying potentially abusive uses of AI, such as shortcuts that compromise academic integrity or generate misleading interpretations. Moreover, the project seeks to establish principles and guidelines for employing AI in ways that align with the highest standards of good scholarly practice.

Quo vadis, Clio is a highly unconventional and interdisciplinary research project that combines the revision of ‘classical’ methods of historical research with the introduction of AI workflows and, above all, a Technology Assessment approach. The transformative potential of this project lies in its ability to advance informed methodological innovation within the historical discipline. It aims to broaden the scope of critical engagement with AI technologies beyond specialists in the field of Digital History, addressing the implications for historical research as a whole.

Lieferengpässe sind heute sogar am Pharmastandort Schweiz ein Thema. Neben den Medikamentenpreisen ist damit auch die Heilmittelversorgung verstärkt in den Fokus der Öffentlichkeit gerückt. Unser Vermittlungsprojekt informiert erstmals umfassend über deren unterschiedliche Kanäle und wie sie sich historisch entwickelt haben. Ausgehend von der Frage, was zu unterschiedlichen Zeiten und Orten als heilendes oder gesundheitsförderndes Mittel gilt, beschreibt es erstens die Heilmittelversorgung in ihren regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Dimensionen – vom Grosshandel über die Apotheken und Drogerien und die ärztliche Selbstdispensation bis zum Lebensmittelhandel und zur Eigenproduktion. Zweitens rückt es umstrittene Themen wie Selbstmedikation und «Compliance» oder Entsorgung und Boden- bzw. Gewässerrückstände in den Blick. Drittens informiert es über die Regulierung der Heilmittelversorgung und zugrundeliegende ethische Aspekte wie Patienten- und Versorgungssicherheit, Verteilungsgerechtigkeit und Nachhaltigkeit.

Die Vermittlung erfolgt über eine Ausstellung im Pharmaziemuseum der Universität Basel, deren Eröffnung für Ende 2028 geplant ist, sowie über eine begleitende Website und Publikation. Ausstellung und Website basieren auf innovativen, skalier- und adaptierbaren Edu- bzw. Scientainment-Formaten. Zusammen erlauben es die Produkte unterschiedlichen Zielgruppen, die Geschichte und Gegenwart der Heilmittelversorgung, eines oftmals im Schatten stehenden Schlüsselbereichs im Gesundheitswesen, auf eine multiperspektivische Weise kennenzulernen. Damit erschliesst das Projekt in inhaltlicher wie methodischer Hinsicht Neuland: Bisher gibt es eine lediglich eine Überblicksdarstellung aus dem Jahr 1946, die sich wie die meisten Einzelpublikationen und die Dauerausstellung des Pharmaziemuseums auf die Apotheken konzentriert. Nicht zuletzt trägt das Projekt auch dazu bei, eine Brücke zwischen den Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften und den Life Sciences zu schlagen, was für die Bewältigung der drängendsten Herausforderungen unserer Zeit unabdingbar ist.

Bildnachweis: Moeschlin, Sven: Phenacetinabusus und Phenacetinschäden in der Schweiz, in: Sarre, Hans; Kluthe, R.; Moench, Arvid (Hg.): Phenacetinabusus und Nierenschädigung (Symposium in Freiburg i.Br., 25. Januar 1958), Stuttgart 1958, S. 53–77, hier S. 53.

This sub-project investigates extinct species, related to the geographical frameworks of the overall SNF project, as a way to explore historical and contemporary attitudes toward animal preservation. The focus will be on emblematic species such as the quagga, the thylacine, but also some mammals of South Africa and various birds and reptiles from the Pacific and South America. The study analyses both the historical causes of their extinction – primarily linked to colonial violence, native ecosystem disruption, scientific practices during the 19th century – and their contemporary symbolic and educational value – how these animals are testimonies to interspecies history and have become emblems of ecological awareness today.

Methodologically, the project integrates material culture studies with human-animal studies. It adopts a transregional approach to compare the preparation and preservation techniques of specimens held in different major natural history museums. In parallel, it engages with archival sources to highlight the motivations and mechanisms behind the large-scale killing. In doing so, the sub-project examines extinction as both a material and conceptual legacy of violence.

Das Projekt „Waffenträger“ zielt darauf, die politische Kultur im karolingischen Europa - einer der formativen Epochen der Schweizerischen wie westeuropäischen Geschichte - in neuer und innovativer Weise zu verstehen. Obwohl es unstrittig ist, dass Waffengewalt zu jener Zeit eine der politischen Schlüsselressourcen darstellte, fokussiert sich die Forschung derzeit auf andere Aspekte der politischen Kultur. Es dominiert die Idee eines politischen Gemeinwesens, in dem das Politische und das Religiöse stark konvergierten, basierend auf christlichen Werten und Reminiszenzen an die Antike, mit einem hochentwickelten theoretischen Diskurs und elaborierten Verfahren des Verhandelns und Entscheidens. Den Referenzrahmen dieser politischen Kultur bezeichneten die Zeitgenossen als „Kirche“ (ecclesia).Doch dieses Bild einer „karolingischen Renaissance“ des Politischen lässt sich nur schwer mit der endemischen Kriegsführung und Gewalt des 8./9. Jh.s in Übereinstimmung bringen. Dieser unerklärte Widerspruch bildet den Ausgangspunkt des hier vorgestellten Projekts. Um ihn zu verstehen und zu erklären, werden drei aufeinander aufbauende Untersuchungen durchgeführt. Die erste analysiert, wie in der politischen Theorie der Zeit über Krieg und Waffengewalt reflektiert wurde. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die religiöse Rechtfertigung dafür auf den Herrscher beschränkt war, womit die militärische Aktivität weiter Teile der politischen Eliten entweder ignoriert oder sogar diffamiert wurde. Ein anderer, konkurrierender Diskurszusammenhang über Waffengewalt scheint auf. Allerdings ist er in dem üblicherweise für politische Fragen herangezogenen Quellenmaterial kaum erkennbar, was zur zweiten Untersuchung führt, die nach den Gründen dafür fragt. Hier scheint eine mediengeschichtliche Perspektive zielführend: Der Diskurs der politischen ecclesia monumentalisierte sich in dauerhaften Medien wie (illuminierten) Handschriften, Steingebäuden und Sakralobjekten, wohingegen der konkurrierende Diskurs über Krieg und Gewalt sich in ver-gänglicheren Medien wie mündlicher Dichtung, Performanzen oder beweglichen Objekten äußerte. Seine umfangreichsten Reste finden sich in den Verhaltensformen, die Bußtexte den militärischen Akteuren zuschrieben. Aus ihnen lässt sich ein Kriegerhabitus rekonstruieren, dessen wich-tigster Aspekt im Zentrum einer dritten Untersuchung steht: das Tragen von Waffen. Wie veränderte die Waffe ihren Träger, welche Möglichkeiten eröffnete sie ihm? Anhand mehrerer Mikrostudien lässt sich nachzeichnen, dass Waffen auch außerhalb des Krieges in zahlreichen Situationen verwendet wurden und dem bewaffneten Mann Handlungsoptionen schufen, die seine unbewaffneten Zeitgenossen nicht hatten.Das Quellenmaterial ist vielfältig: jenseits zahlreicher lateinischer Texte auch Bilder, Objekte, archäologische Befunde und vernakulare Überlieferung. Um dieses Material zu interpretieren, bedarf es neben den klassischen Methoden der Geschichtswissenschaft und der auf die jeweiligen Quellen spezialisierten Nachbardisziplinen noch fortgeschrittener methodisch-theoretischer Zugänge aus der Politologie wie der Soziologie. Erste Resultate zeigen, dass die ecclesia-Politie nur eine Seite der politischen Kultur darstellte - auf der anderen stand eine klar erkennbare Kriegergesellschaft, und die politischen Akteure mussten sich in beiden Kontexten sicher bewegen. Dies hat gravierende Konsequenzen, nicht nur für unsere Vorstellung von der karolingischen Welt und den mit ihr verbundenen makrohistorischen Entwicklungen, sondern auch für allgemeinere Debatten wie die um das Verhältnis von (monotheistischer) Religion und Gewalt oder dem Platz des Militärischen in der Politik. Darüber hinaus stellt der Befund einer „Kultur ohne Monument“ im Kernbereich einer literaten Gesellschaft grundsätzliche methodische Grundannahmen in Frage und regt dazu an, das Verhältnis von Quellenüberlieferung und gelebter Vergangenheit neu zu überdenken.

Ziel des Projekts: Förderung der Ukraine-Expertise in der Schweiz.

Massnahmen:

1) Fellowship-Programm an der Universität Basel.

2) Pflege einer Website und regelmässiger Versand eines Newsletters zur Ukraine-Forschung in der Schweiz.

3) Organisation von Netzwerktreffen der Ukraine-Forschung in der Schweiz.

4) Organisation von Ukrainisch-Sprachkursen.

Förderung: SBFI

In the early 1910s, Adelaide Casely-Hayford became a leading activist in Sierra Leone, advocating for feminism and racial pride in Freetown. In 1919, Esther Fahmi Wisa participated in a women’s march that played a momentous role in the revolt against British rule in Egypt. In 1953, Evelyn Amarteifio established the influential National Federation of Gold Coast Women in Ghana. These cosmopolitan and literate African women shared common ground: they all shaped radical nationalist, anticolonial, and feminist movements that changed the African political landscape in the 20th century. But they also shared an unexpected feature. They were all involved in the World–Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), an international organisation more famous for its imperial and conservative legacy than its radical views. How can we reconcile these two contradictory stories? How does the history of the YWCA—at the crossroads of women-led British missionary work, American philanthropy, and Geneva-based liberal world order—align with that of African anticolonial feminist activists?

From its British overseas committees set up in 1878 to its first African-based conference held in Accra in 1971, the YWCA was used by bourgeois women to oversee the sexual behaviour and welfare of young single women living in urban settings, and to advance conservative ideas about gender, sexuality, class, and race. However, the literature on women’s rights movements argued that local African activists relied on the YWCA to build alliances between women, beyond class or race, in a common fight against colonial or local authorities, paving the way for the internationalisation of African women’s rights movements. As this prolific body of scholarship discussed whether Western women-led structures supported imperialism or African women’s emancipation—and sought to define this ‘Global Sisterhood’—the YWCA became central to academic conversations about international philanthropy, women’s activism, and youth movements. Yet, scholars did not delve into the history of the YWCA at global scale, let alone in Africa, nor illuminated what the organisation meant for African women. This project will be the first in-depth historical inquiry to chart what aspects of the gender and colonial orders were challenged by the YWCA and its African members, and how their embrace of conservative views affected their activism and alliances. It will explore how African women positioned themselves with regards to the two primary targets of the YWCA: sexuality and social welfare. Through this, the project will assess how the original YWCA’s class-based and gendered focus on sexuality and welfare was transformed by the racialised colonial setting, eventually informing policies and positions laid down at global scale.

The project will take place at the University of Basel department of history, and will be aided by international partnerships with France, United Kingdom, and Germany. Claire Nicolas will conduct research in archival centres across the world and use innovative digital humanities tools to analyse the Africa-related YWCA network. The project will use a cross-scale approach: from global history to in-depth focus on international meetings, transnational actors’ trajectories, and two key African associations (South Africa and Ghana). This will inform how changing ideas about women’s rights and Global Sisterhood intertwined and converged at global scale, thus challenging the analytical distinction between radical emancipatory politics and conservative transimperial faith-based movements. Overall, this project offers a unique perspective on the history of international organisations, from the vantage point of African women. This shift in focus will illuminate the history of faith-based international movements, the history of African women’s rights activists, and that of the contested politics of Global Sisterhood.

Picture: “Rose Petal Carpet for the Queen at YWCA Hostel,” Daily Telegraph and Morning Post, November 12, 1961. (World-YWCA Archives, Box Ghana II).

Demographic expertise has become a crucial perspective in debates around the development of modern welfare states. Since the 1960s, many reforms answer to demographic changes (e.g. ageing societies); and demographic calculations are now regularly used for the technical construction of social protection policies. In public debates, demographic statistics also serve as an objectifying rhetoric, legitimising welfare state reforms as necessary or inescapable. However, demography is not a black box: what exactly is counted in demographic assessments (age, sex, fertility, migration) varies a lot, between national contexts and historically over recent decades. This project examines from a historical and comparative perspective how demography became a core element of modern welfare state policies since the 1960s. By analysing three fields of the welfare state (old-age pensions programs, health care and family policies) in three representative European countries (France, Italy and Switzerland), SPADE aims to identify which actors and which institutions contributed to making the problem of the demographic sustainability of social protection systems a political priority, and which solutions were envisaged. The project thus broadens the historiography of the welfare states, traditionally marked by approaches from social and political history, with novel perspectives from the history of science. By combining transnational and comparative approaches and by looking at the origins of the discourse about the so-called “welfare state crisis”, SPADE cast a new light on the transformations that the welfare state as a whole has undergone since the 1970s.